http://www.nytimes.com/2014/03/31/opinion/is-canada-tarring-itself.html?ref=opinion&assetType=nyt_now&utm_source=Active+Subscribers&utm_campaign=385ae5cebf-MR_033114&utm_medium=email&utm_term=0_35c49cbd51-385ae5cebf-64063349&_r=0
Is Canada Tarring Itself?
By JACQUES
LESLIEMARCH 30, 2014
START with
the term “tar sands.” In Canada only fervent opponents of oil development in
northern Alberta dare to use those words; the preferred phrase is the more
reassuring “oil sands.” Never mind that the “oil” in the world’s third largest
petroleum reserve is in fact bitumen, a substance with the consistency of
peanut butter, so viscous that another fossil fuel must be used to dilute it
enough to make it flow.
Never mind,
too, that the process that turns bitumen into consumable oil is very dirty,
even by the oil industry’s standards. But say “tar sands” in Canada, and you’ll
risk being labeled unpatriotic, radical, subversive.
Performing
language makeovers is perhaps the most innocuous indication of the Canadian
government’s headlong embrace of the oil industry’s wishes. Soon after becoming
prime minister in 2006, Stephen Harper declared Canada “an emerging energy
superpower,” and nearly everything he’s done since has buttressed this
ambition. Forget the idea of Canada as dull, responsible and environmentally
minded: That is so 20th century. Now it’s a desperado, placing all its chips on
a world-be-damned, climate-altering tar sands bet.
Documents
obtained by research institutions and environmental groups through
freedom-of-information requests show a government bent on extracting as much
tar sands oil as possible, as quickly as possible. From 2008 to 2012, oil
industry representatives registered 2,733 communications with government
officials, a number dwarfing those of other industries. The oil industry used
these communications to recommend changes in legislation to facilitate tar
sands and pipeline development. In the vast majority of instances, the
government followed through.
In the
United States, the tar sands debate focuses on Keystone XL, the 1,200-mile
pipeline that would link Alberta oil to the Gulf of Mexico. What is often
overlooked is that Keystone XL is only one of 13 pipelines completed or
proposed by the Harper government — they would extend for 10,000 miles, not
just to the gulf, but to both the Atlantic and the Pacific Oceans.
After
winning an outright parliamentary majority in 2011, Mr. Harper’s Conservative
Party passed an omnibus bill that revoked or weakened 70 environmental laws,
including protections for rivers and fisheries. As a result, one proposed
pipeline, the Northern Gateway, which crosses a thousand rivers and streams
between Alberta and the Pacific, no longer risked violating the law. The
changes also eliminated federal environmental review requirements for thousands
of proposed development projects.
President
Obama’s decision on Keystone XL, expected later this spring, is important not
just because it will determine the pipeline’s fate, but because it will give
momentum to one side or the other in the larger tar sands battle. Consequently,
the Canadian government’s 2013-14 budget allocates nearly $22 million for
pro-tar-sands promotional work outside Canada. It has used that money to buy
ads and fund lobbyists in Washington and Europe, the latter as part of a
continuing campaign against the European Union’s bitumen-discouraging Fuel
Quality Directive.
Beginning
in 2006, Mr. Harper pledged to promulgate regulations to limit carbon
emissions, but eight years later the regulations still have not been issued,
and he recently hinted that they might not be introduced for another “couple of
years.” Meanwhile, Canada became the only country to withdraw from the Kyoto
Protocol. Instead, in 2009 it signed the nonbinding Copenhagen Accord, which
calls for Canada to reduce greenhouse gas emissions to 17 percent beneath its
2005 level by 2020. According to the government’s own projections, it won’t
even come close to that level.
Climate
change’s impact on Canada is already substantial. Across Canada’s western
prairie provinces, an area larger than Alaska, mean temperatures have risen
several degrees over the last 40 years, causing releases of greenhouse gases
from melting permafrost and drying wetlands. The higher temperatures have led
to the spread of the mountain pine beetle, which has consumed millions of
trees. The trees, in turn, have become fodder for increasingly extensive forest
fires, which release still more greenhouse gases. Given that scientists now
think the Northern Hemisphere’s boreal forests retain far more carbon than
tropical rain forests like the Amazon, these developments are ominous. At least
the Harper government has indirectly acknowledged climate change in one way: It
has made a show of defending the Northwest Passage, an increasingly ice-free
Arctic Ocean link between the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans that winds through
Canadian territory.
Nevertheless,
the Harper government has shown its disdain for scientists and environmental
groups dealing with climate change and industrial pollution. The government has
either drastically cut or entirely eliminated funding for many facilities
conducting research in climate change and air and water pollution. It has
placed tight restrictions on when its 23,000 scientists may speak publicly and
has given power to some department managers to block publication of
peer-reviewed research. It has closed or “consolidated” scientific libraries,
sometimes thoughtlessly destroying invaluable collections in the process. And
it has slashed funding for basic research, shifting allocations to applied
research with potential payoffs for private companies.
With a deft
Orwellian touch, Canada’s national health agency even accused a doctor in
Alberta, John O’Connor, of professional misconduct — raising “undue alarm” and
promoting “a sense of mistrust” in government officials — after he reported in
2006 that an unusually high number of rare, apparently tar-sands-related
cancers were showing up among residents of Fort Chipewyan, 150 miles downstream
from the tar sands. A government review released in 2009 cautiously supported
Dr. O’Connor’s claims, but officials have shown no interest in the residents’
health since then.
Dr.
O’Connor’s experience intimidated other doctors, according to Margaret Sears, a
toxicologist hired by the quasi-independent Alberta Energy Regulator to study
health impacts in another region near the tar sands operation. Dr. Sears
reported that some doctors cited Dr. O’Connor’s case as a reason for declining
to treat patients who suggested a link between their symptoms and tar sands
emissions.
The
pressure on environmentalists has been even more intense. Two years ago Natural
Resources Minister Joe Oliver (who this month became finance minister) declared
that some environmentalists “use funding from foreign special interest groups
to undermine Canada’s national economic interest” and “threaten to hijack our
regulatory system to achieve their radical ideological agenda.” Canada’s
National Energy Board, an ostensibly independent regulatory agency, coordinated
with the nation’s intelligence service, police and oil companies to spy on
environmentalists. And Canada’s tax-collecting agency recently introduced
rigorous audits of at least seven prominent environmental groups, diverting the
groups’ already strained resources from anti-tar-sands activities.
Few
Canadians advocate immediately shutting down the tar sands — indeed, any public
figure espousing that idea risks political oblivion. The government could
defuse much tar sands opposition simply by advocating a more measured approach
to its development, using the proceeds to head the country away from fossil
fuels and toward a low-carbon, renewables-based future. That, in fact, was the
policy recommended by the National Round Table on the Environment and the
Economy, a nonpartisan, eminently moderate independent research group founded
by another right-leaning prime minister, Brian Mulroney, in 1988. The Harper
government showed what it thought of the policy when it disbanded the Round
Table last year.
Jacques
Leslie is the author, most recently, of “A Deluge of Consequences: A Riveting
Adventure in the High Himalayas.”
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